Loss aversion or mistakes?

Super-neat paper coming out in the AER by Ryan Oprea: Decisions under risk are decisions under complexity. 

The abstract:

We provide evidence that classic lottery anomalies like probability weighting and loss aversion are not special phenomena of risk. They also arise (and often with equal strength) when subjects evaluate deterministic, positive monetary payments that have been disaggregated to resemble lotteries. Thus, we find, e.g., apparent probability weighting in settings without probabilities and loss aversion in settings without scope for loss. Across subjects, anomalies in these deterministic tasks strongly predicts the same anomalies in lotteries. These findings suggest that much of the behavior motivating our most important behavioral theories of risk derive from complexity-driven mistakes rather than true risk preferences.

There are piles of experiments showing what seem to be anomalies from rational choice; behavioural economists lump these into categories like loss aversion. 

But experiments testing for these things require participants to make complicated choices. That complexity can matter.

Oprea sets experiments where people are faced with risky choices, and equally complicated variants of the choices where there is no risk. People have to compute expected value in both cases, and not everybody is good at that on the fly in the lab. In the deterministic treatment, people get the expected value of the choice with certainty. In the risky treatment, they only get it probabilistically. But the computational complexity is the same across treatments.

While the literature interprets the resulting valuations of lotteries as certainty equivalents –

the certain dollar payments subjects value equivalently to risky lotteries – the same interpretation cannot be applied to mirrors which contain no uncertainty. Instead values for mirrors are simplicity equivalents: the simply-described payment amount subjects value equivalently to the more complexly described (but no less certain) mirror. Our question throughout the paper is whether simplicity equivalents have the same properties and suffer the same anomalies as certainty equivalents.

To the degree the classical pattern is indeed driven by risk preferences (i.e. tastes for risk

that cause valuations to deviate from expected value), it should disappear when we remove risk from lotteries in our Mirror treatment. Because mirrors pay expected value with certainty, they effectively induce risk neutral EUT preferences in subjects, making any valuations that depart from expected value dominated mistakes under any rational theory of subjects’ own native preferences. Thus, to the degree this distinctive pattern continues to arise in the absence of risk, we have evidence for an alternative interpretation of the classical pattern: that it is a pattern of systematic mistakes, arising not because lotteries are risky, per se, but rather because they are complex (costly or difficult to properly value).5

Oprea then finds that situations without risk generate the same kinds of patterns that people have interpreted as loss aversion in risky contexts. 

What predicts errors that look like loss aversion etc?

Finally, we collected a number of additional pieces of data in our main experiment that we correlate with the severity of the classical pattern in lotteries and mirrors (see Supplemental Appendix A.5 for details), giving us some insight into the behaviors that drive the classical pattern. For instance, we find that (i) fast decision-making, (ii) noisy, inconsistent choices in repeated instances of the same task and (iii) poor performance on cognitive reflection tasks administered post-experiment are all positively correlated with the severity of the classical pattern. We also asked subjects after the experiment (iv) how likely they believed it was that they made suboptimal choices (measuring “cognitive uncertainty,” a’la Enke & Graeber (2023)), (v) how imprecise they thought their decision-making process was (on a 100-point Likert scale) and (vi) how little attention subjects believe they themselves paid to payoffs and proportions in the descriptions of mirrors (again, using a 100-point Likert scale), and found that all of these were significantly correlated with the pattern too. These results therefore link the classical pattern in both lotteries and mirrors to hasty, noisy, imprecise and inattentive decision-making and suggest that subjects were largely aware that they were making imperfect decisions in these valuations (i.e. in important respects they know they are heuristically valuing these objects). Importantly, this is virtually identically true in lotteries and mirrors: we find highly consistent correlations between the classical pattern and all of these measures in the two settings, reinforcing our conclusion that the pattern is driven by the same behavioral mechanism in lotteries and mirrors.

Putting these strands of evidence together, the twin appearance of the classical pattern in lotteries and mirrors suggests that it represents a response not to risk but rather to the complexity of valuation. Perhaps surprisingly, this complexity does not seem to be primarily rooted in the arithmetic required in valuation, but in other cognitively taxing aspects of the task. For instance simply thinking through how one’s preferences connect to the primitives of lotteries and mirrors and articulating the implications for behavior plausibly requires significant mental effort, even if one has little diffculty with the math once the problem is “set up.” We speculate that subjects make a kind of “extensive margin” choice when deciding how to approach valuation tasks like these, deciding first whether to (i) do a precise, careful job of evaluation, or instead to (ii) casually or informally approximate value using heuristic methods. Following approach (i) requires more mental effort, strain and time than approach (ii), leading many subjects to pursue approach (ii) instead. Auxiliary evidence from Supplemental Appendix A.5 seems consistent with this account, since this evidence shows that features of behavior that we would expect to accompany casual or informal valuation procedures (e.g., hasty, inconsistent, imprecise inattentive and error-prone choices) are highly predictive of the severity of the classical pattern.

Just a super important result. And the kind of test that when it's pointed out, you have to wonder why nobody had tried it before. Great stuff. 

Monkeypox and Medsafe

In a sane world, medicines and vaccines already approved by trustworthy overseas regulators would automatically be able to be used in New Zealand as well.

New Zealand is not sane. But neither is anywhere else really on that standard. Other places are just faster than NZ in getting things approved, with more practicable pathways for expedited review. 

If a medicine is unapproved, it can still be accessed under restrictive provisions of the Medicines Act. Medsafe summarises it here. 

Those restrictions include bans on advertising and marketing. 

Monkeypox has been an obvious risk for some time. Jynneos was approved by the EMA in 2013 for smallpox and was recommended for monkeypox in 2022. It was approved by the FDA in 2019, and given emergency use authorisation for monkeypox in 2022. The "Emergency" in the EUA was the monkeypox outbreak. 

Nobody applied for Medsafe authorisation until 2023.

Medsafe took over a year to approve it, despite its already having been approved in Canada, the US and Europe at the point at which application was made.

It was available in New Zealand through Section 29. However, you can't advertise unapproved medicines. 

The Post noted the difficulties in letting at-risk communities know about the vaccine, because of s29 restrictions. 

 

Radio New Zealand notes that greatest transmission risk is concentrated among men who have sex with men, and those who have sex with men who have sex with men. 

The outbreak from the Queenstown Pride Festival now counts five in total. 

It sure would have been great if it hadn't been illegal to advertise the vaccine earlier and to make it real easy for folks to get the vaccine.   

Or if Medsafe had been required to automatically approve medicines already approved by two others - which would have had it authorised in New Zealand in 2022.

We are ruled by Vogons.

Levine on arbitrage

I should have signed up for Matt Levine's newsletter ages ago; finally did so. 

His bit on the Spotify arbitrage play was magnificent. 

I don’t know, man. We have talked a few times about Avi Eisenberg, the Mango Markets guy, who found a manipulatable cryptocurrency market, manipulated the heck out of it, made tens of millions of dollars, was arrested, defended himself by saying he was an “applied game theorist” who spotted a good trade that was allowed by the market, and got convicted because nobody ever wants to hear a defense like that.6

Please legalise new supermarkets

Jaw-dropping bit from the Grocery Regulator, in interview at Interest.co.nz:

“What we've been told by these players is when they come and they want to open up a large store in New Zealand, the cost to get a spade in the ground is double that of Australia,” he says in a new episode of the Of Interest podcast. 

“Now that is significant. And when they look at 'do we open up a store in Wagga Wagga or Tamworth or wherever in Australia' versus coming to open up in Auckland where there is massive demand or any of the other centres, really, the cost is double that of Australia. And the timeframe often is more than double as well. So when they do their business cases, they look at that and say, 'well, we're going to be better off by going elsewhere rather than here.' Now the government is saying that they're going to change things to make New Zealand more competitive for international players. And that's really what we're looking at.”

The Commerce Commission released its first annual grocery report on Wednesday which revealed ComCom’s efforts to boost grocery competition over the past year hasn’t had much impact. 

Later in the podcast, he says that Costco would already have expanded to more places in NZ if expanding in NZ weren't so freaking hard. 

It shouldn't be surprising that the grocery regulator hasn't chalked any wins as yet. The real problem is largely out of the regulator's hands: RMA, Overseas Investment Act, Council processes. 

On council processes, just look at this clusterfxxk. This is what an incumbent who has been here forever has to deal with: a company that knows the system. If even they can't get through it, what hope for someone who's new to NZ?

Woolworths has backed out of its fight to install a new entrance and signage to its FreshChoice store in Greytown.

It’s left heritage campaigners and business owners, who have spent almost a decade fighting the plans, breathing a collective sigh of relief.

The supermarket giant appealed to the Environment Court after an independent commissioner for South Wairarapa District Council declined it’s proposal to create a new access to the store from Main St in December last year.

The plan included the demolition of the existing house at 134 Main St, the installation of a 8.3 metre-wide new vehicle crossing and an internally illuminated 3.6m high, freestanding sign.

Matthew Grainger, Woolworth’s director of property in New Zealand, said it hadn’t been able to find “a solution that would work for everyone”.

“We simply haven’t been able to reach an outcome that would be satisfactory for the community and viable for Woolworths which is why we’re withdrawing our appeal."

It marked the end of a “diabolical” process that had dragged on for nearly a decade, Gina Jones from the Greytown Heritage Trust said.

Minister Bishop's move to set mixed use by default in places subject to intensification under the National Policy Statement on Urban Development is a great start in opening things up.

But I'd love it if retail grocery had access to the fast-track consenting regime. If an entrant could put dozens of sites up and down the country up for simultaneous approval through that regime, rather than waiting for consents to dribble through over the next decade...

 

Let's ban Mazda Demios and put an end to ram-raids

The post title is obviously stupid, right?

Mazda Demios are pretty common in ram-raids but:

1. Ram raids have started coming down off their peak;
2. People can use all kinds of cars for ram-raids;
3. Most Mazda Demios are not used in ram-raids. Other people drive them too.

Now consider the National Party's proposed "Let's ban disposable vapes and vapes that use non-refillable pods or tanks to put an end to youth vaping" policy.

Disposable vapes are pretty commonly used by youths who vape - more than tanks or pods. But:

1. Youth vaping has stopped increasing (and came down a bit in the most recent Year 10 survey);
2. Youths can use all kinds of devices, not just disposables and non-refillable pods and tanks;
3. Adults use these too. Adults who used them to quit smoking, and who were attracted by the convenience and cost of non-refillable systems. 

The proposed ban is so stupid. 

In late August, I had a column over in the Post on it [ungated here]. I noted the very obvious problems with the proposed ban. The vape systems that are hardest to use would be the only ones left on the market, which will screw things up for adult vapers who can't handle those systems while making it easier for screw-ups to happen. 

The Government will ban vaping products that are more affordable and that are easier to use – for everyone, adults included. The measures seem to be aimed at reducing youth vaping by increasing the cost of vapes. But if the Government wanted to increase the cost of vaping, excise would make more sense than banning specific types of vapes.

Vaping is a lot less risky than smoking, but there are ways for vaping to go wrong. If someone who doesn’t know what they’re doing mixes their own vape fluid in a tank-based system, they could get a higher dose than intended. Or they could experiment with adding things into the mix that should not be there. Or they could let the tank run dry, resulting in overheated coils and potentially noxious fumes.

Self-contained disposable vaping products and pod-based devices avoid those risks. They are designed to avoid hot dry heating coils. The vaping fluid is pre-mixed and cannot be adjusted. But those are the vaping devices that the Government is going to ban.

Let’s say that again. The Government is proposing to ban the safest devices while leaving the potentially riskier ones on the market, and says it is doing this because it wants to protect kids.

The Ministry hadn't yet put up the RIS on the ban. It was fun to read through it - they'd written it before my column, but hadn't released it yet. And they said much the same that I'd said: if you want to target cost, excise or minimum pricing make more sense but there are tradeoffs with that. Banning pods and single-use tanks goes beyond what's needed and will have adverse consequences for adult vapers. 

What did the Ministry say? 

1. Daily vaping has been stable for three years but is high in international perspective;
2. Youths who vape most frequently choose disposables: twice as common as pods, three times as common as tanks)
3. "There is risk that reducing youth access to vapes will lead to higher youth smoking rates"
4. "Actions to reduce youth vaping need to be targeted towards young people and minimise any barriers on adults wanting to access vapes to quit smoking"
5. "While banning disposables may prevent further young people taking up vaping, it may not stop vaping in those cohorts who are already doing it regularly."
6. Existing rules that came into effect end-December ban disposables without removable batteries; this removes most traditional disposables from the market already.
7. Broadening the ban on disposables won't be a material barrier to adults; three quarters of adults use pods and tanks.
8. Cabinet's preferred broad ban brings safety concerns because you're forcing everyone to refill tanks. 
9. "There is also the potential risk that a more comprehensive ban incentivises an illicit market. Whilst not directly comparable, tighter regulation in Australia has seen the rise of a significant illicit market with 87% of Australians who vape reporting sourcing vapes illegally."
10. "accessibility of use for adults who smoke and wish to vape to quit smoking would also be impacted."
11. If the government wants to increase the cost of vapes, excise and/or minimum prices make more sense but have trade-offs when thinking about encouraging adults to shift away from smoked tobacco.

The Ministry preferred the much narrower ban. 

And it's great that they pointed to the risk of illicit market access under a broader ban. Otago's public health people like to pretend that those worries are invented by industry. 

I went through the Ministry's RIS over at Newsroom this week. This will wind up biting National unless they fix it at Select Committee:

And here is where we shift from the measures just being poor policy to also being a political mistake.

Under the previous Labour government, then-health minister Ayesha Verrall had legislated a ban on cigarettes that contain any appreciable amount of nicotine, an annual increase in the age limit for smoking, and reductions in the number of retail outlets allowed to sell cigarettes.

Measures from that legislation had not come into effect by the time of last year’s election. And, to some surprise, the incoming Government’s coalition agreements reversed that legislation while committing the Government to considering a broader range of reduced-harm alternatives to smoking.

Labour strongly opposed the Government’s reversal of its legislation, claiming its legislation was needed to continue the path to Smokefree 2025.

Many ex-smokers use the vaping systems that National is due to ban. Smoking rates could well be increasing again in the lead-up to the 2026 election. If smoking rates are on the rise, Labour will have its choice of rod with which to beat National. It could point to the vaping rules, or to the coalition’s reversal of Verrall’s legislation, or both.

The legislation may provide the Government with a temporary reprieve from parents and teachers worried about youth vaping. But the Ministry of Health’s Regulatory Impact Statement suggests the ban is far broader than is really necessary. If the government does not reconsider its options through the select committee process, it may yet find that bad policy becomes bad politics.

Labour's been curiously silent on this one. 

In other instances in which National set tobacco/nicotine policy that MoH disagreed with, Labour and Radio NZ have been sure it's because National/NZ First are corrupt. Haven't heard from them yet on this one - probably because they're following Napolean's warnings against interfering when an enemy is making a mistake. 

Uber messy

Caught a fun phone call from an accountant after this week's column over at the Dom Post (and Christchurch Press, etc) on the court's decision in the Uber case.

If Uber drivers are employees, rather than contractors, as the Court sees things, how will depreciation on their cars be handled? Contractors can count all those expenses against their earnings. Employers will pay you mileage if you use your own car for work purposes, but that seems like a nightmare in this case. Uber would have to start caring about what kind of car you use, where it can otherwise leave it to the driver-partner. 

I'd not thought about that one.

A snippet of what I had thought about:

If the court is right about the law, and it’s more likely to be right about it than I am, then the law is wrong. It makes it impossible to operate models that make both drivers and riders better off. Drivers who prefer an employment arrangement rather than contracting already have an obvious option: send a CV to a traditional taxicab company.

The Government will have to legislate around this mess.

The Government could set a new category into employment law for platform workers so companies could offer benefits without fear of workers being deemed employees, and so workers could maintain valuable flexibility. However, any new set of boundaries between categories will bring its own future challenges.

Alternatively, it could liberalise employment law more broadly. If Uber and its drivers agree that they are in a contracting relationship and nobody is forcing drivers to work with Uber, the courts could be required to recognise voluntary agreements among consenting adults. That approach would be flexible against changes in real-world circumstances, but more at risk of changes in government.

Perhaps the safest option would be a combination of the two. A broadly workable category for platform workers combined with the ability to contract voluntarily could preserve the former against future governments opposed to the latter.

 An ungated version should show up on the Initiative's website in due course.