Showing posts with label RBNZ. Show all posts
Showing posts with label RBNZ. Show all posts

Friday, 8 November 2024

This will not end well

I still think Rod Carr had this stuff right two decades ago when he'd argued against having deposit insurance at all, and instead making very clear that government would never bail out depositors. 

People can argue the toss about hard caveat emptor versus some perfect deposit insurance scheme with full risk-based pricing and whether following through with minor depositor haircuts after burning through investor equity under OBR was credible. 

But that makes the mistake of comparing an imperfect status quo with an assumed-to-be-perfect government policy. 

Here's what the government is doing.

The Herald can reveal Cabinet has decided levies will be risk-based. So, big banks will pay less, relative to the value of insured deposits, than risker deposit takers.

But only a small portion of the risk will be priced into the levies.

The levies won’t be as risk-based as the Reserve Bank, which regulates deposit takers, recommended.

Credit unions and building societies will also be given a hand-up by being allowed to pay lower, flat levies until 2028, before moving to the risk-based model.

The Commerce Commission, which is interested in increased competition, had recommended all deposit takers initially pay flat levies (worth a certain percentage of insured deposits) until the impacts of the scheme were better understood.

I suppose I could look at it the other way. 

Remember when the government set up a hasty deposit guarantee scheme in response to the GFC over worries that deposits would flee from risky places into safer places, so it set a scheme that encouraged money to fly from safe places into risky places whose high returns were suddenly government guaranteed? 

One of our sharper students maxed out his 0% student loans to invest in South Canterbury Finance at, I think, 8%. 

We could all take a page from his book. If you can borrow at less than the deposit rate offered at the riskiest places that Nicola Willis is going to guarantee through 2028, it's free money! Fiscal stimulus for those of us who are most meritorious, as demonstrated by our credit-worthiness. 

The lowest three-year-term mortgage rate is currently 5.65%. 

The highest three-year term-deposit rate that I think might be covered is currently 6.75%.

So.

Borrow $100k and you get a risk-free $1,100 on it per year. 

This Is Not Financial Advice. You'd probably need to do it through a company structure so you could write the interest cost against the interest earnings. Unless you had access to zero-percent student loans. 

Friday, 8 December 2023

A belated look at the coalition agreements

Things got a bit busy after the National-ACT and National-NZ First Coalition Agreements were released. 

A fair few things showed up in those agreements that we've been working on at the Initiative for rather some time, whether through reports, submissions, columns, panels and whatnot.

So that's been a bit busy, and I've been trying to clear through a few other bits before heading back to Canada and the US for a few weeks over the school holidays. So posting has been unduly light.

But I've been particularly pleased that these showed up in the agreements. 
A Rule of Two for Drug Certification

The government will require Medsafe to approve new pharmaceuticals within 30 days of them being approved by at least two overseas regulatory agencies recognised by New Zealand.

Loyal readers may recall series of tweets, blog posts, and columns from me on this one. I worked with a couple student teams at Canterbury to get a report up on the likely effects of a Rule of Two. 

It is in both coalition agreements and will be legislated. No "will investigate" or "will consider". It will happen. 

I am rather pleased about this one. 
Incentives for Growth

Weak incentives for councils to encourage housing development hasn't been the only problem blocking housing growth, but getting more housing despite current incentives requires heroes. And policy can't reliably depend on there being heroes around. The coalition agreements will introduce financial incentives for councils to enable more housing.

This has been core for the Initiative since before I got here. And now it will happen.

Easing Foreign Investment

The Overseas Investment Act will limit ministerial decision-making to national security concerns and make such decision-making more timely.

NZ has one of the OECD's most restrictive FDI regimes. Other places try to attract foreign investment; NZ does the opposite. 

Easing restrictions on FDI have been core for the Initiative since before I got here. Fingers crossed that the legislation interprets this as broadly as is implied by the text of the coalition agreements. 

Market Studies

Commerce Commission market studies will focus on reducing regulatory barriers to new entrants to drive competition. 

So far, ComCom has produced about one giant study per year. But the first-order problem is going to be in areas where ComCom has hitherto been precluded against poking around: matters falling under statutory exception. If a matter is authorised by Parliament, it doesn't get cartel investigation even if it is definitely behaving as a cartel. 

Instead of doing one giant study per year, ComCom would do a larger number of short studies focused simply on checking whether it is actually possible for a new entrant to get through NZ's regulatory and land use hurdles to provide potential competition. 

So here I disagree with my friend Donal Curtin. He worries about instances where the issue isn't regulatory barriers. Maybe I'll agree with Donal after the revised regime has run for a few years. But the low-hanging fruit simply is not going to be in places where ComCom has been able to use other tools. It will be in the place where they've been unable to shorten the way.

This shift in approach is something I've argued for in columns, submissions, at a CLIPNZ session, and in various conversations around town. 

Ben Hamlin and I have been, I think, the only ones really worried about the statutory exceptions. Ben's piece on it in the latest Law Review is very good; his gratuitous citing of my columns is inframarginal to that assessment. 

Monetary Policy

The Remit will be narrowed to focus only on price stability.

This too is excellent. In a normal environment, a dual mandate shouldn't matter. The long-run Philips curve is vertical. Maintaining price stability is the best way the bank has to ensure maximum sustainable long-term employment. 

We have worried about the broad Remit, which includes a preamble that encourages the Bank to give regard to basically the entirety of the government's policy agenda, for some time. 

Employment 

The government will consider setting an income threshold above which a personal grievance could not be pursued.

Our Chair, Roger Partridge, has been writing on this for some time. The measure would make it far simpler for firms to dismiss underperforming high-paid managers who really aren't the people that employment law protections should focus on anyway. 

Pseudoephedrine

The government will allow the sale of cold medicine containing pseudoephedrine.

This is another one that loyal readers may recognise. I think me and Twitter's @BoxcarJoey have been the only ones making the case for this obviously sensible move. And now it will happen. 

There's a lot of other stuff in the agreements, mostly good, some less good. 

As another bit of fun, the Dom Post put out its latest 'Wellington Power' list. I think it needs an accompanying 'Wellington Mystery' list so we can figure out whose power is exceeded only by their mystery, or vice-versa, or both, somehow, simultaneously. 

But in any case, I made the cut for inclusion this time. But only barely. And possibly only because I also write a column for them. 
45. Eric Crampton

The stocks of think tank New Zealand Initiative’s chief economist have soared, with the ascendancy of ACT into Government. The Canadian is a prolific report-writer and commentator, with a free market bent, and incoming ministers are sure to be paying attention to his sharp, original (and often witty) thinking.

Friday, 13 October 2023

Afternoon roundup

Eight browser windows each full of tabs. Something's gotta give.

Monday, 18 September 2023

Afternoon roundup

The closing of a few tabs. 

  • Tim Harford's cautionary tale about the Sydney Opera House and how megaprojects bring heartbreak is a must-listen. One bottom line: if you're not real clear at the outset just what problem you're trying to solve, you're going to be causing problems. 
  • My weekend column in the Stuff papers compares the current draft Government Policy Statement on Transport to the old 1998 proposed reforms - Better Transport Better Roads. The column also echoes a lot of what turned up in my submission on the draft GPS - which I don't think is yet on our website.
  • Central Banking covers The Initiative's proposals around RBNZ: split prudential regulation off into its own separate institution, focus the monetary authority on inflation-alone, and not go ahead with deposit insurance. With comments from former RBNZ Chair Arthur Grimes and Mike Reddell. 
  • Labour promises rebates for rooftop solar. Weird thing to promise when there's a lot of grid-scale solar going in without subsidies. The balance between grid-scale and rooftop shouldn't depend on subsidies to the latter. 
  • Great piece in Quilette on the 2003 BMJ controversy over passive smoking and mortality. I remember having pointed at this literature when the Helen Clark Labour Government was banning smoking in pubs; I'd figured it should be for the venue owner to decide, especially where the risks from second-hand smoke really seemed nebulous. Not a popular view it turned out. The trendy 'let's get more government grants' people had banked their wins on second-hand smoke and were trying to argue that third-hand smoke (residue on surfaces, basically) was its own new terrible thing that needed a lot of grants. Ah well. 
  • Kainga Ora is doing some really neat work in getting construction cost and build times down. The kind of thing that you'd normally expect the private sector to have led ages ago. But when councils allow very little building, who'd have the scale to front that fixed cost in process systems? Nobody would have invented automotive assembly lines if the global market for cars was a thousand a year...

Wednesday, 23 August 2023

Morning roundup

The morning's worthies:

Monday, 21 August 2023

Evening roundup

Another closing of the tabs:

Friday, 18 August 2023

Afternoon roundup

Some of the worthies as I attempt to get the tabs down to a more manageable level...

Tuesday, 28 February 2023

Tilting at bank profits

RBNZ Chief Economist Paul Conway wants a ComCom market study into banking. He's worried about 'profiteering'.

But this is the first time the Reserve Bank, which is statutorily tasked with regulating banks, has stepped in so explicitly. It's been warning of "profiteering" in some sectors during the cost of living crisis and in the aftermath of Cyclone Gabrielle, and singled out the widening gap between mortgage and term deposit rates.

"It's a very legitimate thing for the central bank to be concerned about and to be keeping an eye on," Conway says. "It's a general warning across the New Zealand economy that now is not the time for profiteering. Now is actually the time to start paying the price, for climate change and, in this instance, for the cyclone."

Commerce Minister Dr Duncan Webb says no decisions have yet been made about the focus of the next market study. "However, I am focused on using the tool to ensure markets operate fairly for consumers," he tells Newsroom. "I am particularly interested in improving markets where the greatest long term gains can be made for ordinary New Zealanders."

I've also thought a market study into banking, and insurance, could be well warranted - but with a very different focus.

I've worried that barriers to entry look awfully high and that we may be missing out on innovations happening overseas as consequence. 

Last year I'd urged that ComCom change how it does market studies. Rather than a giant draft study that tries, and inevitably fails, to estimate weighted cost of capital and potential excess returns, start with a desk-based analysis of barriers to entry. 

Because whatever you wind up doing will depend on barriers to entry anyway.

Suppose that you really strongly believe that there are high excess profits in whatever sector. If you're right, what's stopping anyone from coming in and eating away at those profits? Remember that profits are a signal that tells other to enter. If they aren't entering, is it because you're wrong about your guess on excess profits? Or is it because there are regulatory, legislative, or other barriers preventing entry? 

When ComCom thought there were excess profits in supermarkets, and I was yelling about barriers to entry, some folks argued for KiwiGrocer as cartel-busting parallel to KiwiBank. But now we're talking about banks, and KiwiBank's already there as KiwiBank. And for whatever reason, it seems far less profitable than other banks. Surely that should give some pause.

Now banks wouldn't be the first place I'd be aiming a market study: medical services really should be first in line. But barriers to entry in banking and insurance are obvious things to look at. 

But man it's a worry if the RBNZ is wanting the thing aimed at 'profiteering'. If that's the kind of advice the Minister's getting, then expect a request for a very different market study. Instead of looking at barriers to entry, it'll be more like the Supermarkets draft study - where they raked the CEs over the coals for weeks and tied up supermarket exec teams for months in inquiries. 

If that's the request that ComCom winds up getting, then it's a test of ComCom. 

Do they indulge the Minister's preference for a highly politicised and populist bash on the banks in an election year? Or do they do the work that actually needs doing: checking whether barriers to entry, including the nonsense that RBNZ layers on top of the industry, and CCCFA regs, make for less competition than would be desirable?

Heck, RBNZ is undertaking an investigation into whether it should make it even harder for foreign banks to operate here. And Paul Conway's pointing fingers at banks for profiteering.

Jonathan has a few bits from me in his piece. It'll ungate tomorrow if you pull the /pro from the URL. But the bit including my quotes is here:

Dr Eric Crampton, chief economist at the NZ Initiative think tank, says the appropriate use of a market study would be to ascertain what barriers there are to new entrants to this country's banking market. 

New Zealand has been a slow follower on structural changes like open banking, and such easy wins as account number portability. When phone number portability was introduced in this country's cellphone market, it played a critical role in breaking apart the Telecom-Clear duopoly.

It's expected bank account portability would make it easier for bank customers to move their money (or their debt) to more a competitive bank.

What all this means is it can be difficult for a new player to get a toehold in banking here, Crampton says. "In groceries, the Commerce Commission found zoning and consenting proved substantial barriers preventing entry. In building materials, the commission’s draft study pointed to substantial barriers to using foreign-sourced building materials. In both cases, easing barriers to entry would improve competition," Crampton says.

"If the Commerce Minister told the commission to look at barriers to entry in banking, or in insurance, that could be worthwhile. The combination of barriers to entry and regulatory measures like the Credit Contracts and Consumer Finance Act may have had substantial detrimental effects on competition.

"If so, it would be great to document the barriers, their effects, and how those barriers could be eased. Is New Zealand seeing the same innovations in FinTech and InsuranceTech as are being seen overseas? Could a foreign online financial service provider easily enter the New Zealand market, or would it be impossibly hard given our scale? What are the effects on consumers?

"But I would greatly worry that, in an election year, a minister could be tempted to send the commission off on more populist tilts against the banks," he says. "Sending the commission off to interrogate the banks about interest rates and mortgage rates would be politically tempting and help divert attention from the prior government failures that led to rising rates. I would also hope that the commission would push back against proposed studies that would shed a lot more political heat than provide actual light."

It would be exceptionally disappointing if ComCom got put to populist electoral purpose this year.  

Tuesday, 17 January 2023

Contrasting Banks

Recall that the Reserve Bank of New Zealand's Monetary Policy Committee does not allow those with an ongoing research interest in macro/monetary from serving as external members of the committee. They've considered it a conflict of interest.

The Bank of Canada has appointed Prof Nicolas Vincent as an external deputy governor. 

Vincent will begin his two-year term in March, filling the void left by former deputy governor Timothy Lane, who retired in September. The Bank of Canada launched a search for an outsider to bring a different perspective to the Governing Council in August 2022, as the central bank confronts one of the most challenging economic environments it has ever faced.

Vincent “is an accomplished scholar and teacher, with deep expertise in macro and microeconomic research in areas such as inflation and price dispersion, firm dynamics, inequality, house prices and household finance,” governor Tiff Macklem said in a press release. “I have no doubt that his broad knowledge of monetary economics combined with his keen interest in public policy will be invaluable in helping the Bank navigate the policy challenges ahead.”

In this new role, Vincent is expected to bring his own perspectives to the policy making process, providing a check on groupthink as he’ll have no direct ties to the institution. He will be responsible for helping with monetary policy and financial system stability decisions, and will join other deputy governors in communicating the Bank of Canada’s consensus-based policy decisions.

Vincent will balance this role with his job as a professor of economics at the HEC Montreal, serving as deputy governor on a part-time basis. This wouldn’t be his first time in a policy focused role, as he started his career at Department of Finance in 2000 before becoming an assistant professor at the HEC.

The Bank of Canada's press release also highlights the value of deep expertise in relevant research areas.

The Board of Directors of the Bank of Canada today announced the appointment of Nicolas Vincent as the Bank’s new external, non-executive Deputy Governor for a term of two years, effective March 13, 2023. Mr. Vincent’s appointment, which is the result of an open external search process, fills the vacancy created by the departure of Timothy Lane in September 2022.

“I am delighted that Nicolas Vincent is joining the Bank’s Governing Council and I am looking forward to working with him,” said Governor Tiff Macklem. “He is an accomplished scholar and teacher, with deep expertise in macro and microeconomic research in areas such as inflation and price dispersion, firm dynamics, inequality, house prices and household finance. I have no doubt that his broad knowledge of monetary economics combined with his keen interest in public policy will be invaluable in helping the Bank navigate the policy challenges ahead.”

The Bank changed the fourth Deputy Governor position to an external, non-executive Deputy Governor role to bring diverse perspectives into its consensus-based policy-making process and to ensure the Bank’s executive team has a streamlined and effective distribution of management responsibility. In this role, Mr. Vincent will be a member the Bank’s Governing Council, which is responsible for decisions with respect to monetary policy and financial system stability. Alongside other members of Governing Council, he will also be responsible for communicating with Canadians about the Bank’s consensus-based policy decisions as well as its ongoing assessment of the outlook for the economy and inflation. In keeping with the nature of this role, Mr. Vincent will work with the Bank of Canada in a part-time capacity and will maintain his affiliation with HEC Montréal.

Mr. Vincent is a professor of economics in the Department of Applied Economics at HEC Montréal and co-chair of the Business Cycles and Financial Markets research theme at CIRANO (Centre interuniversitaire de recherche en analyse des organisations). He has been a visiting faculty member and researcher at numerous institutions, including Columbia Business School, INSEAD, the Banque de France and the Kellogg School of Management.

Born in Trois-Rivières, Quebec, Mr. Vincent received a Bachelor of Commerce degree in applied economics from HEC Montréal, a master’s degree in economics from Queen’s University and a PhD in economics from Northwestern University.


Thursday, 10 November 2022

Morning Roundup

The tabs...

Wednesday, 20 July 2022

Evening roundup

I was out on leave last week, touring around Lake Taupo with the family, hoping desperately for snow that didn't come. 

We had fun anyway. 

But the browser tabs... a week's worth of emails, and stuff saved up... egads. 

Some worthies as I try to clear six different Chrome instances...

Tuesday, 19 July 2022

Grimes on the Reserve Bank

Former Reserve Bank Chairman Arthur Grimes is blunt about the Reserve Bank:

But Professor Arthur Grimes, a former Reserve Bank chairman, said there was “not much” Robertson could do as it was the Reserve Bank’s job to control inflation.

“They're completely to blame for allowing this to happen … They’ve been incompetent, they’ve been really incompetent,” he said of the bank.

Grimes, who invented the innovative practice of “inflation targetting” as chief economist at the Reserve Bank in the late ’80s, said there were global factors driving inflation, such as the cost of energy and food. But the problem was now also domestic.

He pointed to the increased inflation of domestic goods and services, which stood at 6.3% for the year to June. This was the highest such rate since it was first recorded in 2000.

“If we’re getting 7% domestic inflation now, and rents going up, and if wages start going up a lot, then it could become quite entrenched above 3%. And that’s when the Reserve Bank really has to cause more pain to bring it down,” Grimes said.

...“This is going to be a real problem. It really is a choice now between wage earners suffering by not getting 7% wage increases, or, if they do get 7% wage increases, it’s just gonna keep on pushing up future inflation. So it's just going to be a mess, whichever way it goes.”

Grimes said with better management, New Zealand could’ve had inflation akin to Switzerland, at 2.9%, or Japan, at 2.1%.

He said the Reserve Bank had “misread the conditions” of the Covid-19 pandemic and in the past three years, it had loosened monetary policy too much, causing a massive increase in asset prices, and cut the official cash rate “more than they should have".

There had been a system in place to control inflation at between 1% and 3%, he said, but the Government “completely mucked that up” by expanding the Reserve Bank’s mandate to not only target inflation, but maximum stable employment, in 2018.

It had seemed obvious, at least by May 2020, that we were dealing with an RBC shock with potential flow-on consequences for demand. That we weren't heading for double-digit inflation was obvious later that year. 

It took a long time for monetary policy to reverse. And now inflation is 7.3% if we ignore the government juking CPI with a petrol excise holiday. It's more like 7.8% if we look through that. 

Wednesday, 29 June 2022

RBNZ's obligations?

That strange speech from RBNZ Governor Orr a couple weeks ago

Jenny Ruth digs a bit.

From Business Desk, last week:

Robertson said the specifics of how RBNZ’s obligations relating to Māori-crown relations “are fulfilled and embedded in the bank’s core functions is the responsibility of the board and management". “In the 2020 letter of expectations that I sent to the RBNZ in my role as minister of finance, I noted that the bank’s Te Ao Māori strategy aligned with an expectation to embody the government’s collaborative approach to the Māori-crown relationship.”

I dunno. A down-the-line central banker might have replied with something like:

"A low and stable inflation rate, in combination with supervision of the financial sector mitigate risks of bank failure, is the single best thing a central bank can do for every community, Māori included. We know that both inflation and unemployment will have more severe consequences for lower income communities. Failing to maintain expectations that inflation will be within bounds over the medium term will not improve long-term unemployment, which is set by structural features of the economy. But it will harm communities with less ability to hedge against inflation risks."

In related closing-of-the-browser-tabs:

Tuesday, 21 June 2022

Afternoon roundup

The closing of the many tabs:

Monday, 20 June 2022

Reader mailbag - RBNZ edition

Geof Mortlock, a former central banker with fairly broad experience in the sector, wrote an open letter to RBNZ Chair Neil Quigley and Finance Minister Robertson about what's been going on at the RBNZ. 

A dozen or so others were cced, including a couple of journalists, and the thing crossed my inbox. With Geof's permission, I've copied it here as I've not seen it picked up elsewhere.

Dear Mr Quigley, Mr Robertson, 

I am writing to you, copied to others, to express deep concern at the increasingly political role that the Reserve Bank governor is performing and the risk this presents to the credibility, professionalism and independence of the Reserve Bank. The most recent example of this is the speech Mr Orr gave to the Central Banking Global Summer Meetings 2022, entitled "Why we embraced Te Ao Maori", published on 13 June this year.

As the title of the speech suggests, almost its entire focus is on matters Maori, including a potted (and far from accurate) history of the colonial development of New Zealand and its impact on Maori. It places heavy emphasis on Maori culture and language, and the supposed righting of wrongs of the past. In this speech, Orr continues his favourite theme of portraying the Reserve Bank as the Tane Mahuta of the financial landscape. This metaphor has received more public focus from Orr in the last two years or so than have the core functions for which he has responsibility (as can be seen from the few serious speeches he has given on core Reserve Bank functions, in contrast to the frequent commentary he makes on his eccentric and misleading Tane Mahuta metaphor).

For many, the continued prominent references to Tane Mahuta have become a source of considerable embarrassment given that the metaphor is wildly misleading and is of no relevance to the role of the Reserve Bank. For most observers of central bank issues, the metaphor of the Reserve Bank being Tane Mahuta fails completely to explain its role in the economy; rather, it confuses and misrepresents the Reserve Bank's responsibilities in the economy and financial system. It is merely a politicisation of the Reserve Bank by a governor who, for his own reasons (whatever they might be), wants to use the platform he has to promote his narrative on Maori culture, language and symbolism. 

If one wants to draw on the Tane Mahuta metaphor, I would argue that the Reserve Bank, as the 'great tree god' is actually casting far too much shade on the New Zealand financial 'garden' and inhibiting its growth and development through poorly designed and costed regulatory interventions (micro and macroprudential), excessive capital ratios on banks (which will contribute to a recession in 2023 in all probability), poorly designed financial crisis management arrangements, and a lack of analytical depth in its supervision role. Its excessive and unjustified asset purchase program is costing the taxpayer billions of wasted dollars and has fueled the fires of inflation. In other words, the great Tane Mahuta of the financial landscape is too often creating more problems than it solves, to the detriment of our financial 'garden'. Some serious pruning of the tree is needed to resolve this, starting at the very top of the canopy. We might then see more sunlight play upon the 'financial garden' below, to the betterment of us all.

There is nothing of substance in Orr's speech on the core functions of the Reserve Bank, such as monetary policy, promotion of financial stability, supervision of banks and insurers, oversight of the payment system, and management of the currency and foreign exchange reserves. Indeed, these core functions are treated by Orr as merely incidental distractions in this speech; it is all about the narrative he wants to promote on Maori culture, language, the Maori economy, and co-governance (based on a biased and contestable interpretation of the Treaty of Waitangi).

I imagine that the audience at this conference of central bankers would have been perplexed and bemused at this speech. They would have questioned its relevance to the core issues of the conference, such as the current global inflation surge, the threat that rising interest rates pose for highly leveraged countries, corporates and households, the risk of financial instability arising from asset quality deterioration, and the longer term threats to financial stability posed by climate change and fintech. These are all issues on which Orr could have contributed from a New Zealand perspective. They are all key, pressing issues that central banks globally and wider financial audiences are increasingly concerned about. Instead, Mr Orr dances with the forest fairies and devotes his entire speech (as shallow, sadly, as it was in analytical quality) on issues of zero relevance to the key challenges being faced by central banks, financial systems and the real economy in New Zealand and globally.

I have no problem with ministers and other politicians in the relevant portfolios discussing, in a thoughtful and well-researched way, the issues of Maori economic and social welfare, Maori language, and the vexed (and important) issue of co-governance. In particular, the issue of co-governance warrants particular attention, as it has huge implications for all New Zealanders. It needs to be considered in the light of wider constitutional issues and governance structures for public policy. But these issues are not within the mandate of the Reserve Bank. They have nothing to do with the Reserve Bank's functional responsibilities. Moreover, they are political issues of a contentious nature. They need to be handled with care and by those who have a mandate to address them - i.e. elected politicians and the like. The governor of the central bank has no mandate and no expertise to justify his public commentary on such matters or his attempt at transforming the Reserve Bank into a 'Maori-fied' institution.

No previous governor of the Reserve Bank has waded into political waters in the way that Orr has done. Indeed, globally, central bank governors are known for their scrupulous attempts to stay clear of political issues and of matters that lie outside the central bank mandate. They do so for good reason, because central banks need to remain independent, impartial, non-political and focused on their mandate if they are to be professional, effective and credible. Sadly, under Orr's leadership (if that is what we generously call it), these vital principles have been severely compromised. This is to the detriment of the effectiveness and credibility of the Reserve Bank.

What is needed - now more than ever - is a Reserve Bank that is focused solely on its core functions. It needs to be far more transparent and accountable than it has been to date in relation to a number of key issues, including:

-  why the Reserve Bank embarked on such a large and expensive asset purchase program, and the damage it has arguably done in exacerbating asset price inflation and overall inflationary pressures, and taxpayer costs;

-  why it is not embarking on an unwinding of the asset purchase program in ways that reduce the excessive level of bank exchange settlement account balances, and which might therefore help to reduce inflationary pressures;

-  why the Reserve Bank took so long to initiate the tightening of monetary policy when it was evident from the data and inflation expectations surveys that inflation was well under way in New Zealand;

-  how the Reserve Bank will seek to balance price stability and employment in the short to medium term as we move to a disinflationary cycle of monetary policy, and what this says about the oddly framed monetary policy mandate for the Reserve Bank put in place by Mr Robertson;

-  assessing the extent to which the dramatic (and unjustified) increase in bank capital ratios may exacerbate the risk of a hard landing for the NZ economy in 2023, and why they do not look at realigning bank capital ratios to those prevailing in other comparable countries;

-  assessing the efficacy and costs/benefits of macroprudential policy, with a view to reducing the regulatory distortions that arise from some of these policy instruments (including competitive non-neutrality vis a vis banks versus non-banks, and distorted impacts on residential lending and house prices);

-  strengthening the effectiveness of bank and insurance supervision by more closely aligning supervisory arrangements to the international standard (the Basel Core Principles) and international norms. The current supervisory capacity in the Reserve Bank falls well short of the standards of supervision in Australia and other comparable countries.

These are just a few of the many issues that require more attention, transparency and accountability than they are receiving. We have a governor who has failed to adequately address these matters, a Reserve Bank Board that has been compliant, overly passive and non-challenging, and a Minister of Finance who appears to be asleep at the wheel when it comes to scrutinising the performance of the Reserve Bank. We also have a Treasury that has been inadequately resourced to monitor and scrutinise the performance of the Reserve Bank or to undertake meaningful assessments of cost/benefit analyses drafted by the Reserve Bank and other government agencies.

It is high time that these fundamental deficiencies in the quality of the governance and management of the Reserve Bank were addressed.  The Board needs to step up and perform the role expected of it in exercising close scrutiny of the Reserve Bank's performance across all its functions. It needs directors with the intellectual substance, independence and courage to do the job. There needs to be a robust set of performance metrics for the Reserve Bank monitored closely by Treasury. There should be periodic independent performance audits of the Reserve Bank conducted by persons appointed by the Minister of Finance on the recommendation of Treasury. And the Minister of Finance needs to sharpen his attention to all of these matters so as to ensure that New Zealand has a first rate, professional and credible central bank, rather than the C grade one we currently have. I would also urge Opposition parties to increase their scrutiny of the Minister, Reserve Bank Board, and Reserve Bank management in all of these areas. We need to see a much sharper performance by the FEC on all of these matters.

I hope this email helps to draw attention to these important issues. The views expressed in this email are shared by many, many New Zealanders.  They are shared by staff in the central bank, former central bank staff, foreign central bankers (with whom I interact on a regular basis), the financial sector, and financial analysts and commentators.

I urge you, Mr Quigley and Mr Robertson, to take note of the points raised in this email and to act on them.

Regards

Geof Mortlock

International Financial Sector Consultant

Former central banker (New Zealand) and financial sector regulator (Australia)

Consultant to the IMF and World Bank

These are Mortlock's views; he notes that his views are shared by others. 

I note that I have heard similar views around the Bank's deterioration of research capabilities, and around its loss of focus, from rather a few former RBNZ people unable to put their names to it - and even unable to be quoted anonymously in some cases. 

Thursday, 16 June 2022

Afternoon Roundup

This afternoon's worthies, as I try to free up system resources so the Zoom session I'm listening in on might work a little better:

Thursday, 26 May 2022

Morning roundup

Another closing of the browser tabs, including a couple from Auckland University's Prof Robert MacCulloch, who's caught a few things I'd missed.


Monday, 9 May 2022

Tax thresholds

The income tax thresholds haven't been touched since 2011, except for the addition of a 39% rate from $180,000 on 1 April 2021. 

I was a bit curious what the thresholds would look like if you indexed them for growth in wages over the period.

So I took the HLFS private ordinary-time average hourly wage series from SNZ and used that as an inflator. Whenever accumulated inflation warranted a $1000 step change in a threshold, I applied the step change. So the $14,000 threshold advances to $15,000 when it should be at $14,501, but stays there until it should be $15,499. 

I set it so these would only ratchet on 1 April each year. 

Anyway, it looks like this. 


The tax thresholds for 1 April 2022 would be:

BandRate
$0 - $20,00010.5%
$20,001 - $69,00017.5%
$69,001 - $101,00030.0%
$101,001 - $188,00033%
$188,001 +39%

Treasury's calculator says the government would lose about $4.1b in revenue if it updated the tax bands to the ones above, but it warns that it's not reliable over such large changes - and the calculator doesn't include the 39% band. 

This way of inflating is pretty crude. A better one would track wage percentiles. 

If $14k was the nth percentile of the income distribution in 2011, what would be the number at the nth percentile now? 


If we held the percentiles constant, the tax bands would have been, for 2020/21:

BandRatePercentile at top of band
$0 - $25,00010.5%28th
$25,001 - $65,00017.5%68th
$65,001 - $90,00030.0%85th
$90,001 - $180,00033.0%98th
$180,001 +39%

Or another way of thinking about it. Keep the bands constant, as successive governments have, what happens to the percentile?
  
BandPercentile 2011/12Percentile 2020/21
$0 - $14,00028th19th
$14,001 - $48,00068th50th
$48,001 - $70,00085th73rd

I dropped the higher bands on this one because there was no bracket higher than $70k in 2011/12. But $180k is the 98th percentile in 2020/21. The 98th percentile in 2011/12 was $138,000.

Note: the first percentile table here is updated to correct a cut-and-paste error.

UPDATE: All of the percentiles here from the IRD data are percentiles among wage and salary earners. The IRD dataset I'm using is only on wage and salary earnings. Excluded are:
  • NZ Super
  • Taxable welfare benefits
  • Student allowances
  • Earnings-related ACC payments
  • Shareholder employee salaries (since there was no PAYE deducted).
The main effect of indexing to earnings among wage and salary earners would be that those on benefits that do not ratchet upward with wage and salary earnings would see themselves on lower tax rates over time, if they earn enough in non-wage/salary benefits to cross a threshold. I don't know that that's a bad thing for benefits that aren't indexed. 

Friday, 6 May 2022

Afternoon roundup

The afternoon's worthies